In classical literature, European Romanticism gave us two immortal figures: Manfred and Faust.
The first, created by Byron, is the proud man who never takes responsibility, who curses the world and blames others for his misfortunes, who turns his wound into identity and his complaint into a banner.
The second, born from Goethe’s pen, is the man who errs, who falls, who even bargains with temptation, but who ultimately understands that redemption is found in action, in duty fulfilled, in taking charge of himself.
These two characters do not belong only to the nineteenth century. They are alive today, embodied in two kinds of citizens: those who shout from the extremes—the magas, the wokes, and all that shares the same essence of irresponsible noise—and those who in silence work, sustain, sow, and build, the Fausts of our age, the silent majority that keeps the republic standing.
Because the United States is not merely a country: it is an idea. The most powerful and unique that has ever emerged in political history. An idea sustained by two phrases that seem simple, yet contain an entire universe: E Pluribus Unum—“Out of many, one”—and In God We Trust.
The first reminds us that from the diversity of peoples, religions, languages, and pasts, a single political body can be born. The second reminds us that, beyond human weakness and the noise of minorities, there exists a higher trust that orders and gives meaning.
Together they have been compass and foundation, guide and destiny.
History as a mirror
History confirms this truth. France collapsed into the Reign of Terror because the Jacobins chose noise over responsibility. Their speeches were grandiose, but guillotines multiplied as the nation bled. It was a fleeting triumph of the Manfreds, who turned resentment into dogma and destroyed what they claimed to build.
The populisms of the twentieth century repeated the same pattern: shouting in the squares, easy slogans, external scapegoats. Mussolini, Perón in his excesses, and so many other leaders who fed the rage of the masses ended up weakening the very institutions that sustained their peoples. All of them were modern Manfreds: loud, proud, incapable of accepting the weight of their own decisions.
The extreme case was the Nazis in Germany. Their project was an apotheosis of victimhood turned into crime: they blamed minorities, proclaimed themselves redeemers of the nation, and led their country into absolute disaster.
In contrast, the American tradition was sustained by Fausts.
The pilgrims who signed the Mayflower Compact understood that they could not blame the ocean or the English crown for their fate; they assumed the burden of self-government.
George Washington, after winning independence, could have crowned himself king, yet chose restraint, stepping down after two terms. A responsible act that ensured the survival of the republic.
Abraham Lincoln, in the midst of the Civil War, did not seek excuses or scapegoats: he bore the duty of preserving the Union, even at the cost of his own life.
None of them were perfect, but all understood that greatness is born of sacrifice and duty fulfilled. They were Fausts in real history: citizens who, even with their flaws, understood that responsible action is the only path to the redemption of a nation.
This is why today’s struggle is not between right and left. It is between Manfreds and Fausts. Between those who shout at the extremes and those who sustain in silence. Between those who see the nation as a stage for their grievances and those who understand it as a commitment.
The marvelous and unique idea of the United States does not reside in the throats of the loud, but in the working hands of the responsible. Not in empty slogans, but in daily discipline. Not in the Manfreds who blame, but in the Fausts who carry.
As long as that silent majority endures—those who understand the truth of E Pluribus Unum and the hope of In God We Trust—America will remain not only a country, but the great idea the world has yet to equal.
And I myself am proof of it. As a young man I was more Manfred than Faust; I lived trapped in the error of blaming others for my misfortunes, fed by a Mexican and Latin victimhood that glorified sorrow in music and turned misfortune into identity, that built in its literature narratives of orphanhood, inexorable fate, and perpetual exploitation. It was a country hardly Cartesian at all, where noise smothered any possibility of discovering its true greatness. That is why I emigrated: because I found no redemption in complaint. And I do not regret it. For the ashes of the Manfred I once was became the foundation of the Faust I am today, in this marvelous country where every morning is blue as the sky, green as the mountains that surround me, and clear as the certainty that freedom is not sung in misfortune, but built in responsibility.
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